The combination of these factors—a rotten political culture, individual ambition and knotty policy problems—has created a parliamentary Labour Party which is allergic to compromise. Sir Keir sought to mould an army of “Starmtroopers” on the backbenches who would support his every move, but instead there are dozens of MPs who won their seats by an unusually small margin, fear defeat next time and are unwilling to weather tough decisions (see chart). “The same tensions that were difficult for Keir are going to be re-emerging,” predicts a serving minister. Luckily, there are reasons to think that the next prime minister has a good shot at being more successful than the last. He has in spades the personal skills that Sir Keir lacked: even some ministers complain that Sir Keir never had a single substantial conversation with them, whereas Mr Burnham has spent the past few weeks schmoozing MPs. He understands the value of gesture in politics, for example telling the Guardian that the party’s Middle East stance had been insufficiently pro-Palestine, without promising any changes to the policy. As mayor of Greater Manchester, he worked cross- party and with businesses in a way Sir Keir has struggled to do. The best way to create loyal followers is to be a strong leader. Mr Burnham is showing some signs of that: his team insist that while he intends to listen to MPs and involve them in his policy plans, he will not cave at every sign of rebellion—for example, he will press ahead with a crackdown on immigration which dozens of backbenchers oppose. But he has little experience of being disliked, and there is a risk he soon crumbles in the face of dissent. “They’ve got MPs and most of the media crawling all over them, saying they’re brilliant,” says a member of Sir Keir’s inner circle. “It’s going to be a big shock when that suddenly goes into reverse.” ■ For more expert analysis of the biggest stories in Britain, sign up to Blighty, our weekly subscriber-only newsletter. This article was downloaded by zlibrary from https://www.economist.com//britain/2026/07/16/can-andy-burnham-keep-his-own-mps- under-control
Lessons from a cat about to outlast yet another prime minister Number 10’s canny feline can teach Andy Burnham a thing or two July 16th 2026 Around Westminster he is known as self-serving and territorial. “A little shit”, is how one minister has described him. Larry the cat, “Chief Mouser to the Cabinet Office” (to give him his official title), has been in post for 15 years and is on his sixth prime minister. As he prepares to turn his bottom to his seventh, Larry has lessons to offer his new housemate. Start with a good backstory. Like many an effective political operator, Larry came from the wrong side of the tracks. His redemption began when he was selected for office from Battersea Dogs and Cats Home during David Cameron’s tenure as prime minister; he was the first to get the title he now holds.
Next, either do the job well or maintain the perception that you are. Larry is streetwise and known as “a bit of a bruiser”. But his mousing instincts are much debated. Media stationed outside the famous black door have confirmed two recent kills. Behind closed doors there is scepticism. His official government page notes his solution to the rodent problem remains in the “tactical planning stage” and that he often tests “antique furniture for napping quality”. Third, be media-savvy. Larry keeps journalists at tail’s length, slinking away from any who approach. But he knows how to exploit media opportunities, having photo-bombed world leaders like Volodymyr Zelensky of Ukraine. In 2019 he stole headlines by sheltering from rain under “The Beast”, Donald Trump’s armoured limousine. Finally, suffer no challengers. A long-running feud with Palmerston, the former chief mouser at the Foreign Office, culminated in a fight. Larry reportedly lost a collar; Palmerston hurt his ear. Such canny political manoeuvring has blessed Larry with public-approval ratings that most politicians would sell their cat for. He has over 900,000 followers on his unofficial X account and is frequently sent gifts from fans. But the whiskers are greying. In cat years, Larry is about 92 (Winston Churchill was 80 when he left office). Unlike many British leaders, the chief mouser looks set to exit on his own terms.■ For more expert analysis of the biggest stories in Britain, sign up to Blighty, our weekly subscriber-only newsletter. This article was downloaded by zlibrary from https://www.economist.com//britain/2026/07/16/lessons-from-a-cat-about-to-outlast- yet-another-prime-minister
Glasgow, rescuer of the Commonwealth Games, needs saving too The Scottish Nationalists are keen to take power from London but not to hand any to Glasgow July 16th 2026 When the event that stands as a living legacy of Britain’s imperial past was on its knees, it was the place once known as the empire’s second city that came to the rescue. The 2026 Commonwealth Games, a sporting jamboree of the countries that once made up the empire (plus some others), found itself without a host after the Australian state of Victoria backed out because of soaring costs. Glasgow, the host city in 2014, saved the day. But after these slimmed-down games, which open on July 23rd, Glasgow itself will need saving. It looks tired. The pink livery on a tower block welcoming people to the 2014 games has faded. Roadworks clog the streets.
Blocks of flats lie half-built after investors pulled out amid rent-control fears. The international airport still lacks a rail link to the centre. In March the city lost a listed Victorian building in a blaze that started in a vape shop. The challenges facing a post-industrial city such as Glasgow are not unique. Others are coping better. Manchester has trams and a large chunk of the BBC. The average cost of a home there has grown twice as fast as in Glasgow since 2004. One big reason is that, since 2017, Manchester has had a mayor, who can approve big transport projects, levy small taxes and oversee ambitious developments. Glasgow does not. As mayor of Greater Manchester Andy Burnham, soon to be Britain’s prime minister, took control of the city’s buses. By contrast, Scotland’s local-transport authorities have to get approval from a panel convened by an official appointed by the transport secretary in Whitehall if they want to franchise theirs—a requirement introduced by the supposedly pro-independence Scottish National Party (SNP). It was not always like this. From 1975 to 1996, Glasgow and its surrounding area were run by a juggernaut called the Strathclyde Regional Council. It presided over half of Scotland’s population and employed 85,000 workers. It oversaw water, transport, policing, education and roads. It modernised the Glasgow Subway—the one metro system in the world that has never been expanded beyond its original route. But this monster of local government was seen as a threat. Britain’s Conservative government killed it in 1996 and (devolution be damned) the SNP has had no desire to bring it back to life. Strathclyde’s police and fire services were folded into Scotland-wide bodies in 2012. Its water company is now Scottish Water. “Glasgow has always been too big for Scotland,” says a (Labour) member of the Scottish Parliament. Glasgow has ample strengths. These include several universities, museums, great architecture and a big graduate population. Run properly, it could thrive.
A mayor would not be a panacea. “Devolution on its own”, says David Phillips of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, a think-tank, “doesn’t create more money.” The Birmingham region got a mayor in 2017, and its GDP per head grew more slowly than Glasgow’s in the next five years. But having a go-to person would surely help. Bradley Mitchell, a Glaswegian developer, says he’s banging his head against the wall trying to get permission to launch a ferry carrying passengers down the Clyde because the city council is taking so long to reach a verdict. “You can’t find out who makes the decision,” he moans. With a mayor, he says, things would be far easier. That is unlikely to come soon. Mr Burnham supports the idea of an elected mayor, but Scotland’s SNP first minister, John Swinney, does not. The party that pioneered devolution of power in the last century is intent on holding on to it now. ■ For more expert analysis of the biggest stories in Britain, sign up to Blighty, our weekly subscriber-only newsletter. This article was downloaded by zlibrary from https://www.economist.com//britain/2026/07/16/glasgow-rescuer-of-the-commonwealth- games-needs-saving-too
Violence is reshaping British political life The shocking murder of Ann Widdecombe will only reinforce the trend July 16th 2026 IT is often said after an atrocity that terrorists will not prevail. Those who practise politics by peaceful means, the mantra goes, will triumph over those who choose violence. If only it were true. The bleaker reality is that, in Britain, the threat of violence against parliamentarians is having the effects that at least some of its perpetrators desire: driving people from public life and shrinking the sphere of debate. More than a quarter of candidates at the last general election in 2024 said they had considered not standing because of concerns about harassment and intimidation, according to a survey of candidates by the parliamentary authorities. Some 58% said they had been physically attacked or touched against their will; 77% had suffered intimidating acts such as damage to