Javier Milei is in serious trouble Argentina’s president claims he is the true victim of a struggling economy May 7th 2026 “Do you know who has been hit hardest in this economy in real terms? Me,” declared Javier Milei of Argentina at a recent swanky event. “I’m the only one whose salary hasn’t changed since I took office,” he said, while arguing that his cuts have fallen on the political class. “I’m the lowest-paid president in the Americas.” That message is unlikely to win over struggling Argentines. Indeed, Mr Milei’s net approval rating has plunged in recent months. It is now almost minus-30, the worst since he took office in December 2023 (see chart). Mr Milei’s party won legislative midterms last October. That endorsement of his radical cost-cutting and liberalising agenda allowed him to get a slew of reforms through Congress. Yet voters now have two big gripes: corruption
scandals and a struggling economy. In his first two years in office his policies cut monthly inflation to 1.5%, about a tenth of its previous level, but it has since been creeping up. The economy shrank sharply in February. Mr Milei does not face re-election until October 2027 and an energy boom could help him, but he needs to get a grip. Start with the scandals. In February last year Mr Milei posted on social media in support of $LIBRA, a cryptocurrency. It soared in value before quickly plunging, wiping out some $250m for many holders, except a few big ones who sold at the peak. Mr Milei quickly said that he “obviously” had no connection with the $LIBRA venture. Yet phone records recently obtained by federal investigators show that on the night of Mr Milei’s post there were seven calls between Mr Milei and one of the businessmen behind it. Investigators found draft documents on the phone of one of the crypto businessmen outlining potential financial agreements between them and Mr Milei. They specify three payments totalling $5m, including one for publicly naming one of the entrepreneurs as an adviser. It is unclear who the payments were intended for; there is no evidence that Mr Milei agreed to or received them. Prosecutors have named him as a person of interest in the case, but he has not been charged. All those involved deny any wrongdoing.
Argentines appear even more annoyed by a scandal involving Mr Milei’s chief of staff, Manuel Adorni. Federal prosecutors are investigating him for alleged illicit enrichment, after reports of lavish travel, including a trip to Aruba paid in cash, despite a modest public salary. Prosecutors are also looking into a family trip on a private jet to a Uruguayan resort and the purchase of an apartment at a surprisingly low price with a curious interest- free loan. Mr Adorni denies wrongdoing. Mr Milei has backed him and lashed out at journalists. Over four days in April he published 86 social-media posts attacking the press, and reposted 874 more. He often repeats a catchphrase of American right-wingers: “We don’t hate journalists enough.” In mid-April his government blocked reporters from entering the Casa Rosada, the seat of the presidency, after a few of them allegedly filmed without authorisation. (The reporters say they had notified the authorities.) He called the media “filthy scum” and reposted an AI-generated image of one of them in prison garb. On May 4th journalists were permitted to return, but under tight new rules. Argentines might have ignored corruption allegations if the economy were humming. It is not. Official data suggest gdp in February fell 2.6% month on month from January, the largest drop since 2023. Manufacturing and retail activity plunged. This is leading to shrinking tax revenues, threatening Mr Milei’s impressive fiscal surplus. Squeezed, the government is delaying payments to some suppliers to public bodies. Oil, mining and agriculture are still booming. Mr Milei says those sectors, together with technology, are the future of the economy. Yet they require relatively few workers, together accounting for just 12% of employment. Manufacturing and retail, as well as construction, are more labour-intensive and account for far more of GDP. Their shrinkage has led to the loss of hundreds of thousands of salaried jobs since Mr Milei took office. Surveys show that low wages and unemployment are now Argentines’ biggest worries. And so far they have been made worse by Mr Milei’s policies. He has ripped away protections and exposed local manufacturing firms to foreign competition. That may be wise, but the transition hurts. He has prioritised reducing inflation over promoting growth. That has meant a tight money
supply and high interest rates, which hurt business. Loans to the private sector in pesos have been stagnant since August. Mr Milei has also relied on a strong peso in his fight against inflation. It now floats within wide bands and has been strengthening for much of this year. That is in part because those high interest rates have attracted cash into pesos. Increased oil production and fast-growing exports mean that the price spike caused by the war in Iran has also bolstered the currency. But a strong peso has been hurting manufacturing by making rival imports cheaper. It also hurts construction. Developers pay workers in pesos but sell homes in dollars, so a strong peso squeezes their margins. Construction remains in a deep slump. Worst of all, even high interest rates and a punchy peso have recently not been enough to pull down inflation. Monthly inflation has been rising for ten months, hitting 3.4% in March, some 33% year on year. In part, this is down to the government’s lack of a clear, predictable monetary policy to anchor inflation. Mr Milei has also been cutting energy subsidies and in March the oil shock hurt that effort, too. The cost of beef, an Argentine favourite, has soared amid a global crunch. Some of this should soon ease and inflation may fall a little, says Santiago Bulat of Invecq, an Argentine consultancy, but other price pressures may grow. The government seems finally to have started prioritising growth by allowing interest rates to fall. The risk is that the peso weakens and inflation remains high as a result. Mr Milei’s credibility is eroding. In March he said that monthly inflation would be less than 1% by August. That looks near impossible. It is not all gloom. Growth may soon improve: analysts still expect it to top 3% this year. The big hopes are booming oil extraction and international investment in gas and mining. Their expansion would boost exports further. The government has also been building up its reserve of dollars, addressing a long-standing weakness. But it is using most of them to pay down debt. It needs financing in dollars so it can roll over the foreign debt due next year while simultaneously piling up reserves. To that end, it is working on a deal to borrow $2bn from commercial banks, backed by guarantees from the World Bank.
Next year’s presidential election will soon loom above all else. The stakes are high. The good news for Mr Milei is that as his approval rating falls, no rival’s has been notably rising. Argentina’s fragile equilibrium is the big challenge. The populist Peronists’ record of economic mismanagement is stark; as elections approach, a bad poll for Mr Milei could panic markets. The ensuing instability could mean worse polls, setting off a damaging spiral. Investors already demand a higher premium to remain exposed to Argentine bonds beyond Mr Milei’s current term. To avoid spirals, he needs to be on track to win comfortably. Growth, jobs and falling inflation would help a lot. He has no time to lose. ■ Sign up to El Boletín, our subscriber-only newsletter on Latin America, to understand the forces shaping a fascinating and complex region. This article was downloaded by zlibrary from https://www.economist.com//the-americas/2026/05/05/javier-milei-is-in-serious- trouble
Venezuela’s 100-year territorial dispute is back in court The regime claims the Essequibo region of Guyana, and its oil May 7th 2026 On May 4th the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague opened hearings on a territorial dispute that has dragged on for more than a century. Venezuela claims the Essequibo region—160,000 square kilometres of rainforest and villages on its eastern border which makes up two-thirds of neighbouring Guyana—as its own. Guyana calls the claim meritless and says Essequibo’s population of some 140,000 has never expressed interest in becoming Venezuelan. The dispute stems from the 19th century. Britain, then the colonial administrator of British Guiana, and newly independent Venezuela made conflicting claims to the largely unexplored land west of the Essequibo river.
In 1899 a five-judge tribunal—two American, two British and a Russian— settled the current border, with compromise on both sides. For decades after, Venezuela accepted the decision. Only in 1962, as Guyana approached its own independence, did Venezuela demur. It said the tribunal had been rigged and that the final award was “arbitrary”. A mutual commitment made in 1966 to seek a settlement has led nowhere. The dispute has become more pressing since 2015, when vast oil reserves were discovered off Guyana’s coast. Its exploitation made Guyana the world’s fastest-growing economy. Guyana asked the ICJ to make a final and binding ruling in 2018. Venezuela says the court has no jurisdiction, despite the fact that it has ruled twice, in 2018 and 2023, that it does. Venezuela sent its foreign minister, Yván Gil, to the new hearing, but only, as he put it, to “reveal the truth to the world”. Guyana’s lawyer told the court on May 4th that Venezuela’s case was built on “theatre and fiction”. He argued that annulling the century-old award would set a dangerous precedent for border security around the world. The Essequibo is one issue on which almost all Venezuelans agree. Children are taught from an early age that the land is rightfully theirs. They are not told what today’s Essequibo, with its English-speaking population, is actually like. “There is this narrative from politicians and teachers that the great Venezuela, the heroic Venezuela, was stolen,” says Alexandra Panzarelli, a Venezuelan professor of Latin America studies at Marymount Manhattan College in New York. “You grow up convinced that this territory belongs to Venezuela and that eventually international justice is going to do something about it.” In 2023 the regime of Nicolás Maduro escalated Venezuela’s claim by holding a referendum, which it said overwhelmingly backed annexation (no one in Essequibo was consulted). It subsequently announced the creation of a new Venezuelan state called Guayana Esequiba and ordered new maps incorporating the territory to be displayed across the country. A governor to the area was elected in Venezuela’s controversial regional elections last year, by a paltry 21,000 voters on Venezuela’s side of the border.